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The phrase “high command culture” itself is uniquely Congress. It really took shape during the days of Indira Gandhi
Mallikarjun Kharge appears to be willing to let Rahul Gandhi call the shots, Rahul has slowly revived the high command culture despite repeated electoral setbacks. (PTI)
The Karnataka decision has sparked hope within the Congress party: is the high command finally back in command? Look at the three quick decisions taken recently by the top leadership. None of them were easy. In all three cases, opinion within the party was deeply polarised and sharply divided.
Take Kerala. Just as the VD Satheesan camp was building pressure, those at the Centre were pushing hard for KC Venugopal for the Kerala chief minister’s post. There were two reasons for this. First, Venugopal’s growing power had earned him many supporters who wanted him projected as the CM face. Second, some within the party headquarters quietly hoped that Venugopal’s exit to Kerala politics would open up space for them in Delhi.
Read More: Rahul Gandhi’s Southern Strategy: Three Tough Calls Signal New Assertiveness Inside Congress
But the high command overruled them. Satheesan won.
Then came Tamil Nadu and the Vijay question. Strong supporters of the DMK within the Congress ecosystem – leaders who, in many ways, owed their political future and sustenance to the DMK alliance – were not keen on accommodating Vijay. Leaders like P Chidambaram were seen as uncomfortable with the move. But the high command could not care less. So, Vijay it was.
And now Karnataka. After three years of endless “will it, won’t it” speculation, there finally seems to be clarity. It will happen, and it is happening. The operation was swift, and the high command dictated terms. Siddaramaiah is stepping down as Karnataka chief minister to make way for DK Shivakumar.
The phrase “high command culture” itself is uniquely Congress.
It really took shape during the days of Indira Gandhi. After being ridiculed as the “gungi gudiya” – the dumb doll – Indira Gandhi decided to hit back. She ensured that the very leaders who had pushed her forward, hoping they could wield actual power through her, were eventually pushed aside. The slow purge began.
She surrounded herself with loyalists and yes-men. RK Dhawan and ML Fotedar became part of the powerful coterie she cultivated – men who could convey difficult, often harsh, decisions without question. This became the essence of the Congress high command culture: little room for dissent, and even less for questioning the supreme leader’s authority.
Rajiv Gandhi carried forward that legacy. He built his own trusted circle – Arun Nehru, Arun Singh and others – who ensured that the party toed Rajiv Gandhi’s line. Again, this was the high command at work.
Sonia Gandhi, in contrast, did not openly display ruthlessness and often came across as far more amiable. But those who worked with her knew that crossing her was never an option. One call from the late Ahmed Patel saying, “Madam wants this,” was enough to send shivers through the system.
This, despite the constant perception – and perhaps reality – that the real power centre during the UPA years was not 7 RCR, but 10 Janpath.
The mantle gradually shifted to Rahul Gandhi when he took charge as vice-president and later Congress president. But constant drubbings in elections, the rise of powerful regional satraps within states, and the growing strength of regional parties weakened the old high command culture. It was no longer seen as either “high” or “commanding”.
That, however, seems to be changing – especially after Rahul Gandhi became Leader of the Opposition.
With Sonia Gandhi withdrawing almost completely from active decision-making, and Mallikarjun Kharge appearing willing to let Rahul Gandhi call the shots, Rahul has slowly revived the high command culture despite repeated electoral setbacks.
Part of that is because he is also building a counter power centre of his own. Manickam Tagore, Sachin Pilot and Praveen Chakravarty, among others, are emerging as key players in Rahul Gandhi’s ecosystem. This makes decision-making easier and gives Rahul his own political axis within the party.
Take the example of Manickam Tagore and Praveen Chakravarty as the new power duo. Their persistence and backing for an alliance with Vijay reportedly gave Rahul Gandhi the confidence to break ranks with the DMK.
The next big challenge, of course, will be Rajasthan. For years now, the Gandhis have tried to engineer another transition there – Sachin Pilot. It has never been easy. But with the high command once again firmly in the saddle, perhaps it becomes easier now. Perhaps another unfinished job finally gets done.
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