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In the decades before 1967, Brahmins, though only about 3-4 per cent of the population in Tamil Nadu, had a disproportionately large presence in politics.
File photo of Actor-turned-politician and TVK Chief Vijay
Is Vijay trying to change the rules of the Tamil Nadu battlefield? At a time when the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) have largely steered clear of fielding Brahmin candidates, Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) has chosen a different path. The party has fielded two Brahmin candidates – S Subramanian from Mylapore and V Raghavan from Coimbatore South – a move that stands out because of how rare it has become.
But to understand why two candidates is even a talking point in Tamil Nadu, one has to look at the numbers, and how dramatically they have changed over the years.
The History: When Brahmins Were Politically Central
In the decades before 1967, Brahmins, though only about 3-4 per cent of the population in Tamil Nadu, had a disproportionately large presence in politics.
In the Madras Presidency and early Madras State Assemblies, Brahmins often made up 15-25 per cent of legislators. In some Congress governments, a significant share of ministers and top leaders were Brahmins. The Congress routinely fielded Brahmin candidates in double-digit constituencies.
This mismatch between population share and political representation was one of the key triggers for the Dravidian movement.
The 1967 Collapse
The 1967 victory of the DMK changed the numbers almost overnight. Brahmin MLAs dropped sharply from double digits to low single digits.
In subsequent elections, representation fell to below 5 per cent, and then went even lower. By the 1970s and 1980s, Brahmins typically accounted for 1-3 MLAs in a 200+ member Assembly.
Dravidian parties recalibrated candidate selection around dominant non-Brahmin caste blocs, making Brahmin candidature increasingly rare.
The Shrinking Brahmin Numbers
Fast forward to the 2000s and 2010s, and the numbers started shrinking even further. In several Assembly elections, zero Brahmin MLAs were elected. Major parties either fielded no Brahmin candidates or limited them to 1-2 symbolic seats.
Even when fielded, success rates were low because constituency-level caste arithmetic rarely favoured them. Brahmin voters are mostly urban, dispersed and numerically too small to swing outcomes.
However, while representation collapsed, voting behaviour remained relatively stable in participation terms. Brahmins have continued to vote at comparable turnout levels to other urban communities
Their political preferences shifted from Congress to AIADMK, and more recently, partially towards the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). But because they form only 2-3 per cent of the population, even a consolidated vote has limited electoral impact. This election, for the first time in 35 years, even the AIADMK has not fielded a single Brahmin candidate in the upcoming election.
The Jayalalithaa Outlier
One name that disrupted this trend was that of J Jayalalithaa. Despite being a Brahmin, she led the AIADMK to multiple sweeping victories. But her success did not translate into increased Brahmin representation overall.
While Tamil Nadu elected a Brahmin leader, it did not revert to Brahmin-heavy representation in Tamil Nadu politics.
Why Two Brahmin Candidates Matter in 2026
After decades where the number of Brahmin candidates from major parties hovered close to zero, Vijay’s decision to field two candidates marks a numerical shift from 0 to 2. This is a symbolic shift from avoidance to cautious inclusion.
But in percentage terms, two candidates in a 234-seat Assembly is still less than 1 per cent. Electorally, the impact remains minimal. Politically, however, it raises a larger question – whether this is mere symbolism or a structural shift in the rules of the game in Tamil Nadu.
Vijay’s move could signal the beginning of a slow normalisation of Brahmin candidature or it could be a one-off experiment by a new party unburdened by the Dravidian legacy.
For now, the numbers suggest caution.
Given Tamil Nadu’s political history, Brahmin representation has show a steep decline after 1967, flattening close to zero in recent decades. The question now is whether Vijay’s two candidates could really change this trend in this election and the future elections to come. The picture will become clear on May 4, when the counting of votes for Tamil Nadu election takes place.
April 06, 2026, 09:21 IST
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