Keralam Elections 2026: How RSS vs CPI(M) Ideological War Is Shaping the State

Last Updated:March 31, 2026, 8:33 PM IST

RSS vs CPI(M) Ideological War: The Keralam election is an existential “ground war” pitting the “Kerala model” of secular welfare against the ascending vision of “national Hindutva”

Artists paint the LDF symbol on a wall, in Thiruvananthapuram; (right) an evening shakha of the RSS in Kannur district. (Image: PTI/News18)

Forged in red, Keralam has been witness to a saffron surge ahead of the assembly election on April 9 signalling a poll battle on ideological grounds.

While the traditional triangular contest between the CPI(M)-led Left Democratic Front (LDF), Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF), and BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) remains, the political narrative has increasingly narrowed into a binary clash.

This is no longer merely a struggle for power, but an existential “ground war” pitting the storied “Kerala model” of secular welfare against the ascending vision of “national Hindutva”.

‘KERALA MODEL’ OR SHAKHA SUPREMACY?

At the heart of this conflict lies a fundamental disagreement over the “soul” of Keralam. The CPI(M) has positioned itself as the “final frontier” in the protection of the Indian Constitution, framing the LDF government as a bulwark against the “bulldozing” tactics of the RSS-BJP.

The LDF’s campaign heavily focuses on the ‘Kerala model’ – a governance style defined by religious harmony and robust public welfare, particularly in education and healthcare. Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan has consistently touted his government’s record, claiming that of the approximately 600 promises made in their 2016 and 2021 manifestos, only 20 remain to be completed.

The RSS-BJP combine, meanwhile, is deploying its formidable “cultural entrenchment” machinery. With more than 5,100 shakhas – the second-highest number in India – the RSS is leveraging a massive social network to frame the CPI(M) as a “godless” entity that has systematically failed to protect Hindu traditions.

From the Sabarimala controversy to the BJP promising a “double-engine” government, the narrative is being framed as a “rescue” for a state from what they call a “debt model” of governance.

A BATTLE OF VOTE MARGINS

Both sides are trying to break traditional voting blocs. The CPI(M) frames the BJP as an “existential threat” to Muslims and Christians.

The Left has positioned itself as their only “saviour”, capable of resisting laws such as amendments to the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act that it claims targets minority-led NGOs. The RSS-BJP, however, is not conceding the minority vote.

In a strategic shift, it is actively courting Christian denominations and “Ezhava” sub-castes attempting to erode the Left’s foundational support. This has led to a flurry of communal allegations: while the CPI(M) accuses the BJP of attempting to rebuild the caste system, the saffron party retaliates by accusing the Marxists of “appeasement politics” and holding “secret deals” with “extremist” groups like the SDPI.

THE ‘SECRET DEAL’ NARRATIVE

Perhaps the most noisy aspect of the poll campaign is the mutual accusation of “unholy alliances”. The Congress-led UDF, led by Rahul Gandhi, has attempted to disrupt the CPI(M)-BJP binary by alleging that the two are in cahoots.

Gandhi has claimed a “hidden hand” exists where the BJP “goes soft” on LDF leadership in exchange for the Left targeting the Congress. The CPI(M) has countered this with Vijayan recently escalating the “deal war” by posting an old photograph from 2006 on social media showing opposition leader VD Satheesan at an RSS event commemorating MS Golwalkar.

Vijayan challenged Satheesan to clarify what “deal” led him to “bow before Golwalkar’s photograph” just before the 2006 assembly elections.

“The people of secular Kerala have the right to know Satheesan’s response,” Vijayan said, alleging that Satheesan sought RSS support to win his seat in 2001 and 2006.

Satheesan, meanwhile, has dismissed these allegations as “lies” saying the CPI(M) has a history of RSS links. He questioned the secular credentials of the Left’s own allies, such as the People’s Democratic Party (PDP).

The use of historical association has become a primary weapon. To discredit the Congress’s secular credentials, the chief minister reached back decades alleging that the grand old party collaborated with the Jana Sangh (the BJP’s predecessor) to defeat Communist legends like EMS Namboothiripad in Pattambi and AK Gopalan in Palakkad.

“After doing all these shameless acts, they are making fake claims,” he told reporters, referring to the “Co-Le-B” (Congress-League-BJP) nexus from past elections in Vadakara and Beypore.

In response, the UDF pointed to the current political climate with Satheesan alleging “understandings” between the Left and BJP in constituencies like Pathanamthitta, Palakkad, and Kasaragod to ensure the defeat of Congress candidates.

‘EPICENTRE’ CONTESTS

This ideological war between the Left and RSS is likely to be most visible in symbolic “epicentre” contests. In Nemom, the CPI(M) seeks to prove it is the only force capable of “closing the BJP’s account” as education minister V Sivankutty faces a direct challenge from state BJP chief Rajeev Chandrasekhar.

In Varkala, the defection of former CPM leaders to the BJP has turned the contest into a bitter “cadre vs cadre” battle of betrayal. The rhetoric has also turned to the identity of candidates.

When BJP leaders said the lack of a Hindu candidate in the Guruvayoor constituency was problematic, Vijayan condemned it as an attempt to create “communal hatred”.

“It is divisive politics to insist that only a person from a particular community should contest, portraying others as enemies,” he said.

As the polling date approaches, the election is being viewed as the ultimate test for the “red fortress”. For the CPI(M), a victory will validate their ‘Kerala model’ and their claim as the primary antagonist to the Sangh Parivar.

For the RSS and BJP, the goal is to finally translate decades of grassroots social work and their 5,100 shakhas into a “legislative gateway”. With nearly 50 percent of the state’s voters belonging to minority communities, the outcome will depend on which narrative gains the most traction: the promise of secular protection or central-funded development and “cultural restoration”.

(With agency inputs)

Read More